For every man the system killed.
For every man it hasn't killed yet.
This is going to be a heavy read. Hard hitting in places — and it needs to be. The system has been quiet about this for a long time. We're going to be loud.
Take it at your own pace. In your own time. You're heard here. You count here.
Don't think of this as a survey. It's your story — finally told, on the record.
Everything on this page exists because men stayed silent. What's below is the warning. The survey is the weapon.
If you're not up for the heavy read today, skip it. Your story is the part that counts.
Skip the read — tell your story →This is the largest open survey of men's lived experience of separation, family court, false accusations, coercive control, and intimate partner violence ever assembled. It is anonymous. It is uncensored. It is going where evidence goes — to the Attorneys-General, the family court, the federal parliament, the international academic community, and the public archive.
Take an hour. Tell the truth. Skip anything you can't answer. You will be one of thousands.
Seven men killed themselves in this country yesterday. Seven more today. Seven more tomorrow.
Three quarters of every grave dug for suicide in Australia in 2024 held a man. Every year since 1983, the same proportion. The numbers do not move because the conditions producing them do not move.
They did not die of weakness. They did not die of mental illness alone. They died at the end of a process built by a system that institutionalised the belief, long ago, that they did not matter.
Seven a day. Every day. The number is carved into the stone because the men are already under it.
This is the most documented, most predictable, most ignored suicide risk factor in the country.
The government's own research institute has published it. And still there is no screening at the courthouse door. No automatic support. No recognition that the man walking out of that building, separated from his children, has just become one of the most at-risk people in the nation.
They were not lost.
They were taken.
Australian men are dying inside a global pattern.
Every year, the World Health Organization estimates more than 727,000 people die by suicide worldwide. Roughly two-thirds of them are men — more than 500,000 men a year, every year. Somewhere between 1,400 and 1,500 men a day. One man, somewhere in the world, every minute. [1][2]
Men globally die by suicide at more than twice the rate of women. In many Western nations, three to four times. [2]
The Australian figure of seven a day is not an Australian aberration. It is what the male death rate looks like inside one country of 27 million people. The same pattern runs through every developed nation. The system that produces it in Canberra produces it in London, in Toronto, in Los Angeles, in Berlin, in Tokyo, in Seoul. A global crisis processed one man at a time, in seven thousand jurisdictions, in silence.
The cumulative toll cannot be precisely counted — but the floor is undeniable.
Since the year 2000 alone, conservatively, more than 11 million men have killed themselves worldwide. [1] Reliable back-cast estimates going further suggest the figure since the 1970s is somewhere between 25 and 28 million. The pre-2000 figures rely on estimates from an era when most countries did not reliably record suicide deaths — so the true number could be higher. The lower bound alone is a nation of dead men, built quietly, in our lifetime.
A nation of dead men. Unanswered. Still rising. At the rate of one man every minute.
The Australian Men's Health Forum analysed every dollar of gendered health funding across four federal budgets, 2022 to 2025. Of it, 98% went to women's health. Less than 2% went to men's.
This is despite men dying by suicide at three times the rate of women, and dying roughly five years younger on average.
It has committed more than $4 billion to women's safety since 2022 under a National Plan. There is no equivalent plan for men. It directed $1 billion in crisis housing to women and children fleeing violence. There are two dedicated domestic violence shelters for men in this entire country. Both built by charities. Both built by men who knew nobody else was coming.
One in eight Australian men has been hit, controlled, or financially abused by a partner. In NSW, one in three domestic assault victims is male.
They don't call. They don't tell. They don't get a bed. They don't get a hotline trained for them. They get a closed door, a coroner's file, and a funeral that names what killed them as "depression."
And this is only the men who made a report.
The real numbers are still out there — sitting under pride, ego, shame, embarrassment. No more. It's time for the real numbers.
Ninety-eight to two.
That is not an oversight.
That is a policy.
That is a death sentence.
Angry? Good. Don't just carry it — put it on the record.
Tell your story →A note before we begin.
For most separating families, mediation works. It saves time, money, and trauma. The outcomes typically land within the range a court would have ordered. This section is not about those matters. It is about what happens to mediation when family violence allegations enter the room. What follows is the pattern in that specific subset — and it is a pattern that needs to be named.
The Federal Circuit and Family Court tells the public the average cost of a final hearing is $30,000. Any man who has been through it knows that number is a fiction.
A senior family lawyer in Sydney now bills $700 to $1,200 an hour. A barrister for a single day in court — $5,000 to $10,000. Senior Counsel, up to $14,000 a day. A contested parenting matter — $40,000 to over $200,000 each side.
The trap closes long before he reaches a courtroom.
Section 60I of the Family Law Act makes mediation compulsory before a man can even file. He cannot get into court without first sitting in a room being asked to compromise. In most matters this serves families well. In matters shadowed by family violence allegations, it serves something else entirely — and that is where this section's argument lives.
When allegations are weaponised, mediation stops being a negotiation and becomes a financial siege.
A single half-day mediation session: $850 to $1,500 for the mediator alone. Add his solicitor sitting beside him at $600 an hour for four hours: another $2,400. Pre-mediation intake, certificate fees, consent order drafting on top. A man's minimum spend just to reach his first interim hearing is $15,000 to $30,000.
While she — if she qualifies on income — pays nothing.
In family law specifically, Legal Aid grants are weighted toward women. Women's Legal Services Australia's own submission to the Australian Law Reform Commission confirms it. Victoria Legal Aid's own public position confirms it. The asymmetry is institutional and openly defended.
In FV-shadowed matters, this asymmetry becomes a weapon. She does not need to settle at the first mediation. Or the second. Every session he attends costs him another month's mortgage. Every session she attends costs her nothing.
Two practicing Australian family law firms publish articles on their own commercial websites describing exactly this dynamic — calling it "mediation delay tactics" and explaining how one party uses non-engagement, retraction of agreements, and late-introduced issues to "wear down the other party emotionally and financially." This is on commercial law firm marketing pages. The industry openly acknowledges the playbook.
So men settle. Not because the outcome is fair. Because the alternative is bankruptcy.
Ninety-seven out of every hundred men
never get a judge.
The system calls it consent.
97 out of every 100 family law cases in Australia never reach a final hearing.
The Federal Circuit and Family Court's own data. Every major practitioner. Every research body. Three out of a hundred get a judge. Ninety-seven sign whatever they have to sign to stop the bleeding.
They sign away the house. They sign away the super. They sign away the kids. They sign away weekends they will never get back.
They sign with their hand shaking because their lawyer just said "this is the best offer you'll get and the next move costs you another fifty grand."
The system records this as "agreement reached."
Every Family Court statistic cited in parliament, in academic papers, in newspaper opinion pieces about "what family court decides" comes from that three percent. The ninety-seven percent — the actual lived experience of men in this country — is statistically invisible. There is no government dataset on what those men agreed to, and why. There is now.
The single most effective tactic to gain leverage in an Australian family law matter is for the woman to apply for a family violence order against the man on day one.
It is taught — quietly — as standard playbook. A Victorian family law firm openly states on its commercial website that protection orders are "easily obtained" and "commonly used to evict a spouse from the family home or restrict contact with children" because of "the perceived benefit in a family law context."
Read that again. A practising law firm. On its own marketing page. Confirming the tactic.
The order does not require proof. The interim FVO is granted on the balance of an affidavit. The man is out of his own house within hours. His access to his children is suspended. He cannot return to collect his clothes without police escort. He cannot hold a firearm for ten years even if the order is later withdrawn. His name appears on every police check for the rest of his working life. His builder's licence, his security clearance, his working-with-children check, his job — all immediately at risk.
In NSW alone, 48,814 domestic AVOs were commenced in 2023-24. Police initiated 98% of them. The number in force has risen 52% in four years.
Over 100,000 are currently in force in that one state. The NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research — the government's own crime stats agency — published a formal Bureau Brief in November 2025 investigating "cross-IPV" cases where both partners are subject to police DV action, because the issue of misidentification of the actual aggressor is now serious enough to warrant institutional study. Victoria Police operates a dedicated review process for men who have been "misidentified as the predominant aggressor." Police do not build a review process for a problem that doesn't exist.
She is sympathised with. He is presumed guilty. He is out of the house. He is broke. He settles.
The system calls it consent.
You are not crazy.
You were gaslit by a system
that does this to one in eight of us.
If that section reads like your life, that is exactly why it belongs in the record.
Tell your story →"Two-thirds of legal aid goes to men" is the lie. The lie survives because the system shapes the very men who disprove it — and erases them from the ledger.
The two systems are not separate. They feed each other. And the statistic used to silence every conversation about gendered legal aid is an inevitable symptom of the same dynamic men are trying to expose.
Here is how the loop closes — in three moves, like clockwork, every time.
One. She files a domestic violence criminal complaint against the man she is concurrently pursuing in family court.
He must now fund a criminal defence lawyer in addition to a family lawyer. Two practising legal teams. Often the same retainer split twice. His savings haemorrhage at double the rate. His ability to fight either matter collapses.
Two. She qualifies for Legal Aid criminal representation as a complainant-aligned victim and witness — fully funded by the state.
She walks into court accompanied. She walks out the same way. The legal cost to her of pursuing a man through two parallel court systems is, in many cases, zero.
Three. He is added to the "men receive two-thirds of Legal Aid grants" statistic — because his criminal matter is now a male defendant in the system.
The number gets bigger. The number gets cited. The number gets used to dismiss every conversation about family law's gendered legal aid asymmetry. Every time a woman weaponises a criminal allegation, the data point used to silence men's family-law concerns grows.
It is a closed loop. The system manufactures the evidence used to dismiss the system's victims. And the laundering of that evidence has worked unchallenged for decades.
And while this is happening, she has typically stopped contributing to shared expenses. Mortgage. Utilities. School fees. Groceries. The kids' activities. He is now paying the criminal lawyer, the family lawyer, the full household cost, his own living costs — often from a friend's couch or a rental because he's been ordered out under the FVO — and frequently court-ordered interim spousal maintenance to her.
While she is funded by the state, supported by victim services, and granted the family home.
This is not an unintended consequence. It is the structural design. And the design has been protected by the silence of the people who can see it.
Every man reading this
knows another man it destroyed.
Serving and former police across multiple jurisdictions have been silenced, transferred, or quietly moved out of specialist family violence units when raising the issue of false allegation rates.
Magistrates, in private, are beginning to see the pattern. Family lawyers acknowledge it in chambers and never on the record. Family report writers see the same script play out a hundred times and write reports that omit what they witnessed because their funding depends on the consensus narrative.
The silence is not accidental. It is enforced.
It has its own dataset, which the system has refused to collect. This survey collects it.
One man alone is anecdote.
Ten thousand men are evidence.
A hundred thousand men are reform.
Where this goes next depends on one thing: stories going in. At one thousand, the first report goes to every Attorney-General in the country.
Add yours →The first public report is sent — with full methodology, raw de-identified data, and verbatim testimony — to:
The second report goes to the same list — plus the Council of Attorneys-General, the Standing Committee on Family Law, the Family Law Section of the Law Council of Australia, every state Bar Association, and the editorial leadership of every major Australian newspaper, broadcaster, and independent media outlet.
The dataset is offered formally to academic research consortia in Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada for independent peer-reviewed analysis. The raw de-identified data is published openly on a permanent public archive. No paywall. No gatekeeper.
This becomes a permanent reference dataset for any current or future Royal Commission, federal inquiry, parliamentary committee, international human rights body, or court considering systemic reform of family law, criminal justice cross-overs, or men's health policy in this country. The data does not expire. The record does not close.
The ceiling is the ceiling of the institutions themselves. There is no version of this project that quietly ends.
Every man who fills this in becomes one row in a dataset that the most powerful legal, medical, academic, and political institutions in this country — and abroad — will have to either engage with or be seen refusing to engage with.
That is the deal. That is what your hour buys.
Me Too was right. What it named was real.
The women who spoke were brave. The reckoning was overdue. The reform it produced changed workplaces, changed industries, changed the way harm against women is named and prosecuted across most of the Western world. None of that should be undone. None of it deserves to be diminished. Every man reading this with a daughter, a sister, a mother, a wife, a friend — every man who has ever loved a woman — should be grateful that the silence protecting the worst of us was finally broken.
What followed Me Too was not Me Too.
What followed was a cultural climate in which the categorical guilt of all men became acceptable to assume. In which the worst of male behaviour, correctly named, became the lens through which every man was viewed. In which male victimhood became unspeakable in polite company — a punchline if it was acknowledged at all, an embarrassment to be hushed if it was raised in a room.
While that climate built, the data did not move.
Seven Australian men a day kept killing themselves. Three to four times the rate of women. Every year. Without exception. Through the entire decade in which the cultural conversation was — correctly — focused on what had been done to women, what was being done to men continued, and accelerated, and remained unspoken.
No national plan. No funding parity. No equivalent media coverage. No equivalent institutional reckoning. Two dedicated domestic violence shelters for men in the entire country. Ninety-eight percent of gendered health funding directed to women, under two percent to men. A family court system that processes 97% of matters into forced settlement under the shadow of weaponised allegations. A police and judicial apparatus that admits, in its own internal reviews, that it misidentifies male victims as aggressors at a rate serious enough to require dedicated correction processes.
This is not whataboutism. This is the asymmetry.
If women's suffering deserved a reckoning — and it did — why doesn't men's? If the categorical harm done to one half of the population justified a movement, a funding commitment, a cultural shift, a legal reform — why does the categorical harm done to the other half justify silence?
The answer the culture has given, implicitly, for over a decade, is that men's suffering does not count. That men should handle it. That to speak about it is to take something away from women. That to ask for resources is to compete with women for resources. That to grieve in public is to be weak. That to die quietly is preferable to being heard.
Seven a day. Every day. Because the answer to "men, handle it" is too often a rope, a bottle, a bridge, a barrel.
This project is the end of that answer. Not because women's suffering matters less. Because ours matters too. Both can be true. Both must be true. The future where men and women trust each other again does not start with one side winning the argument. It starts with both sides being heard at the same level of seriousness. Me Too was the first half of that future. This is the second.
What was done to us was also done to the women who love us.
Every man this system destroyed has a mother. Many have daughters. Most had a wife or a partner who watched it happen and could not stop it. Many have sisters who have spent years watching their brother disappear, one court hearing at a time, one lost weekend with the kids at a time, one missed phone call at a time, until the brother they grew up with is a shape they do not recognise. The system that destroys men does not stop at men.
The over-correction of the last twenty years was supposed to make men better.
To teach the next generation of boys to respect women in ways the last generation did not. It backfired. A meaningful portion of the young men raised in that culture have come out the other side hating women more, not less. Not because they are bad. Because they were told, from childhood, that they were the problem before they had done anything. Because they watched their fathers be removed from their homes on accusations that turned out to be untrue. Because they were taught that being a man was something to apologise for, and they noticed, eventually, that the apology was never enough.
The mothers raising those sons feel this.
The teachers watching boys disengage from school feel this. The female friends watching their mates disappear into silence or rage or addiction or absence feel this. The women dating in 2026 feel this. The women genuinely victimised by male violence — who now have to compete for credibility with women who have weaponised the same words, diluting the meaning of every legitimate complaint — feel this most of all.
The women who care about good men are losing them.
Not to bad faith. To exhaustion. To a system that broke them. To a cultural climate that told them they were the threat. To a court process that treated them as the aggressor when they were the victim. To a society that gave them nowhere to speak and nowhere to be heard. They are losing fathers, brothers, sons, partners, friends — to suicide, to estrangement, to addiction, to the slow disappearance of men who have decided it is safer to be invisible than to be seen.
We are not asking for a return to anything that came before.
Nothing about the way men treated women before Me Too is something this project wants restored. The point is not nostalgia. The point is what comes next.
What comes next is the honest accounting of what the swing has cost everyone. Men first and most. But also the women who love men. Also the women who need the system to work and watch it fail them while it fails us. Also the next generation of boys and girls who deserve to inherit something better than the gender war their parents were handed.
The future where men and women trust each other again starts with the truth.
Not with one side winning. With both sides finally being told the truth about what is happening to the other. This project is the truth from our side. We trust you to bring yours.
"The headstones are crying out."
The system can no longer pretend it cannot hear them.
They built the silence.
We build the record.
We take the scales back.
You have been carrying this in silence. For the first time, the silence breaks the system instead of you.
Sit down. Take an hour. Tell the truth. Skip what you can't answer.
Nothing is required except your honesty.
You will be one of thousands who changes the deadliest system in modern history that NOW needs to be named.
For every man the system killed.
For every man it hasn't killed yet.
Next: two optional questions, then the survey
Two optional questions. Thirty seconds. Answer them or skip them — either way the survey is next.
Sit back for a second. We will wait.
Your story is now part of the largest open record of men's experiences of separation, family court, and intimate violence ever assembled.
You have just spent an hour looking straight at something you have been carrying without looking at it. Of course it weighs more tonight. It was always weighing that much — you were carrying it without a name on it.
Every study of men putting this into words finds the same shape: the weight goes up right afterwards, and it does not stay up. What you feel in the next hour does not predict where you land in a week. Heavier tonight is not worse off.
But tonight is tonight. Don't sit alone with it. Ring someone — a mate, your brother, your sister, Mensline. You do not have to explain one word of what you just wrote. You only have to not be by yourself with it.
Pass this to one other man who needs to be counted. That is how this grows.
You said you're still in it. Nothing here asks you to leave, and nothing here asks anything of you. But these protect you either way — and they cost you nothing to do quietly, starting today.
None of this requires you to go. All of it protects you whether you stay or go. You don't have to decide anything today.
Every response that comes through this project gets read. Not by a team. Not by a machine. By me. — Tim
What wouldn't fit in the survey. What you think we're getting wrong. What you needed and never got. Say it however it comes out.
This is going to get bigger. When it does, the men already on the record are the ones who make it undeniable.
Only if you ticked something above or want an answer. Your survey answers stay anonymous. This address is stored separately from your response, and the two are never joined. A throwaway address is completely fine.
Or the normal way: tim@thedeadmanproject.org
For every man the system killed. For every man it hasn't killed yet.
Every claim on this page is grounded in primary sources. Below — the receipts. Click any link to verify.